Child Soldiers: When Fighting Becomes Survival

Imagine waking up in the middle of the night to an arm wrapping around you. Instantly, you are being dragged from your home by a man that you do not know. As you are leaving your hut, he shoots your mother and father, and several other men hack your baby sister to death. Throughout the night, more children your age are grabbed from your village and all of you are walked throughout the night to a camp on the edge of the brush. Once arriving at this camp, you and the other children are put through rigorous training and brainwashing. You are forced to kill an eight-year-old girl for trying to escape. If you resist, you will be killed on the spot by other children. As you pummel her to death with rocks and sticks, you slowly feel your childhood slip away from you. Imagine that you may never see your family again, and that every day, you are sent into villages to destroy them, robbing them of all their possessions, their homes, and their children. This is the life of a child soldier.

“Genocide is a special case of murder. It is as old as mankind itself” (Nyankanzi, 1998, p. 1). According to the Quaker United Nations Offices-Geneva and Save the Children Sweden, over 300,000 children under 18 years of age partake in armed conflicts around the world, most of them being soldiers (Dryden-Peterson, 2006; Endangered Children, 2006). Throughout Africa, more than 100,000 children are involved in wars and conflicts (Dryden-Peterson, 2006). During the Uganda genocide, children were either snatched from their homes to become soldiers for both rebel groups and governmental armies, or they were killed. Those who were lucky enough to get away became refugees in their own country or in the surrounding countries. Child soldiers helped advance rebel groups, like the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda and the Interahamwe in Rwanda, during genocide.

Rwanda, located on the East African plateau, has been plagued by wars since 1914. Two tribes located in Rwanda, the Tutsi and the Hutu, have been fighting back and forth over territory and rights. The Tutsi are a tribe that uses cattle as their wealth. The more cattle that a family owns, the more wealthy the family is. The Hutu, however, are a cash-crop tribe, growing food to sell. The schooling that each of these tribes receives show distinction between them both politically and socially. The Tutsi were introduced into a “civilized” French education, while the Hutu were limited to the “native” Kiswahili education (Mamdani, 2001). Because of this obvious split between the tribes, the Hutu started to remove the Tutsi in 1959 in Gikongoro. Belgium, which had been controlling the country beforehand, assisted the Hutu with helicopters and arms (Nyankanzi, 1998). The Hutu purposefully sought to destroy the Tutsi population, which constituted ten percent of the 7.78 million people living in Rwanda (Smith, 1998). This proved to be an easy task, because in the countryside, Tutsi were easily identified, and many Hutu turned on their neighbors. Southern Hutu suspected of helping and/or protecting Tutsi were killed also (Prunier, 1995). Approximately half a million Tutsi were killed, which constituted 75 percent of the population in Rwanda (Gellately and Kiernan, 2003).

Hutu leaders created ethnic quotas in schools, businesses, etc. They dispersed identification cards, like during the Holocaust, and created laws that forbade inter-ethnic sexual contact, illicit or otherwise (Nyankanzi, 1998). In the early 1960s, pogroms led by the Parti du Mouvement de l’Emancipation Hutu (PARMEHUTU) forced 130,000 Tutsi to flee their homes and run to Uganda, Burundi, Zaire (the Congo), and Tanzania (Smith, 1998). Many were refused citizenship in the countries that they escaped to, and were massacred, like in Tanzania (Nyankanzi, 1998). In 1979, those that were exiled formed the Rwandan Alliance of National Unity (RANU) to fight for their right to return to Rwanda. The leaders of RANU were among those who helped to create the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), who came into power in Uganda in 1986. In October 1990, the RPF crossed from Uganda into Rwanda (Smith, 1998).

By early 1993, both the RPF and the Hutu of Rwanda agreed on peace. Their peace accord, known as the Arusha Accord was signed in 1993, and set to take effect in 1994, but the one hundred day genocide in Rwanda intervened, which led to more fighting between the RPF and rebel forces in both Rwanda and Uganda. The hundred day genocide started April 7, 1994 after the Hutu president Habyarimana died in a plane crash that was blamed on the Tutsi (Smith, 1998). The Hutu instantly starting attacking Tutsi, using machetes to hack up bodies, causing long and painful deaths for those caught in the genocide. Women were raped and slaughtered (Prunier, 1995). There were many horrible mutilations; “men’s genitals were cut off, women’s breasts were sliced, children were impaled on sticks, babies were sliced into halves, and skulls were cracked open” (Nyankanzi, 1998, p. 11). Militiamen forced women to kill their children in order to save their lives (Prunier, 1995).

In the hills, bodies of dead Tutsi were stacked five feet high in some spots. In the cities, Hutu formed teams that were in charge of burying bodies in mass graves. According to Prunier (1995), the Kagera River was filled with bodies causing the pollution of Lake Victoria, which became a serious problem for the area. As many as 40,000 bodies were picked up out of Lake Victoria (Smith, 1998). On October 1, 1994 at 2:30 p.m., 4,000 exiled Tutsi, under the orders of the RPF attacked the military of Rwanda. They were arrested, beaten, tortured and murdered by the Hutu and the government (Nyankanzi, 1998). Many Tutsi fled their villages to areas within the country, known as internally displaced people, or sought refuge in other countries bordering Rwanda (Smith, 1998).

Uganda has, in turn, been brought into the genocide due to people from Rwanda fleeing to its borders. The Ugandan genocide started after the British used southern Ugandans for civil services, and recruited the northern Acholi for the armed services. This caused a huge division among north and south, because southern Uganda became developed. The Acholi in the north were poor and relied on cattle and military services as a means of living.

The southerners in Uganda formed the National Resistance Army (NRA) in January 1986 after the overthrow of President Obote (Cohn, 1994). Approximately 3,000 children under 15-years-old were used by Museveni, the leader of the NRA, to topple Milton Obote’s second presidency (Briggs, 2005). The NRA harassed, looted, raped, and stole cattle from the northern Acholi. A rebel group soon formed to combat the NRA, known as the Holy Spirit Mobile Force. Led by Acholi prophetess Alice Lakwena, they tried to hold off the NRA, but failed. Lakwena fled to Kenya, leaving the group leaderless. The group was soon overtaken by Joseph Kony, Lakwena’s cousin, who claimed that Lakwena’s spirit had embodied him. He changed the name of the Holy Spirit Mobile Force to the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). Their goal was to overthrow the north-dominated government and purify the Acholi. The LRA began to receive aid from the Sudanese government, under the pretenses that the Ugandan government had been supporting the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (Human Rights Watch, 1997).

“The rebels were given instructions to kill anyone over the age of 14 and take as many young girls as possible” (Briggs, 2005, p. 117). Several rebel groups used children to try and advance their positions in the wars and genocides. Both the Hutu and Tutsi tribes in Rwanda used children to help advance their sides. The Rwandan Patriotic Front, containing Tutsi and some Hutu that escaped to Uganda, the Congo, Tanzania, and Burundi used them. The military of the ruling party also used children soldiers to help them. Boys and young men were taken, trained, and given guns by the military to fight against the RPF and other rebels (Mamdani, 2001). Many children joined the Interahamwe, the youth militia of the ruling party, otherwise they would be killed. Those too young to serve were smashed against rocks, or thrown alive into latrine pits (Prunier, 1995). Children were most likely chosen by groups in Uganda and Rwanda, because they can be trained to carry out heinous acts, they can carry light-weight weapons, and they are in abundance when older adult men are becoming scarce (J. Briggs, 2004). The Interahamwe used children as informants to help advance the genocide. The children would search for Tutsis hiding in buildings and in the brush, and let Hutu leaders know where they were, thus advancing the genocide of the Tutsis (Briggs, 2005).

Uganda’s National Resistance Army also used children. The NRA contained roughly 3,000 children under the age of 16 years, including 500 girls. The reason why the NRA used so many children is because, according to Cohn & Goodwin-Gill (1994), children obeyed the codes of conduct, they were reliable, and they were trustworthy. Many of the children joined because of fear or revenge for their families, to protect their families, or as a means of survival (Hidden Health Trauma, 2004). A Hutu boy was forced to hack his sister’s children to death with a hoe in order to save the lives of the rest of his family (J. Briggs, 2004). Close to 90% of children had seen someone killed or harmed. Eight percent had experienced death of a nuclear family member[s] (Briggs, 2005). Those that were recently abducted were generally tied up to one another and forced to carry the looted goods from their villages back to the camps. Because children were walked for days and days without proper footwear through the brush, many developed swollen, infected feet. They were frequently beaten if they started to fall behind (Human Rights Watch, 1997). The NRA used children to slow down the genocide of Alcholis by the LRA. Children working with the NRA fought against those working for the LRA, thus slowing down the genocide.

In May 2003, Godfrey Obita, a 17-year-old Acholi boy was found in northern Uganda. His ears, lips, and fingers had been cut off, and stuffed in his shirt pocket along with a letter addressed to Acholi elders. It read, “All those that form part of the militia faithful to the government military forces will receive the same treatment” (Dunn, 2004, p. 1, para. 2). The message came from members of the Lord’s Resistance Army (Dunn, 2004).

The LRA kidnapped children as young as eight years old to fight for them against the Ugandan government (Endangered Children, 2006). The LRA has also been charges with using the world’s youngest child soldier, who was 5-years-old (Russell & Gozdziak, 2006). According to Amnesty International, 80 percent of soldiers in the LRA are children that have been abducted (Dunn, 2004). “There is not one family in the Acholiland that hasn’t had a son or daughter taken by the LRA to be a fighter” (Russell & Gozdziak, 2006, p. 1, para. 1). They were abused until they submitted to fighting for them. Many were forced to kill other kids, usually their siblings, as a sort of initiation process to prove their loyalty to the LRA (Honwana, 2006).

In October 1996, the Lord’s Resistance Army attacked St. Mary’s college in Aboke, which was an all-girls school. They abducted 139 girls and made them walk to a camp. Sister Rachelle Fassera followed the LRA soldiers and pleaded for their release. The LRA released 109 girls, leaving 30 behind to assemble, clean, and use guns, and become the wives of LRA leaders (Endangered Children, 2006). The LRA has also attacked Catholic missions, one in which they burned down and killed 19 people in June 2003, and continually raid high schools and abduct the children (Dunn, 2004). The LRA used children to advance their position in the genocide by enlisting them to kill people, in an attempt to purify the Alcholi race.

“The commanders were beating us. They would tell us to run straight into gunfire. The commanders would stay behind… I don’t know why we were fighting them. We were just ordered to fight. –Timmy, 14” (Human Rights Watch, 1997, pp. 1-2). The children of genocide were faced with one of four fates; they were either foot soldiers, porters who carried supplies, sold to other countries for arms and supplies, or they were murdered to toughen abductees (Briggs, 2005).

When fighting in the wars, children had many roles. Some children were used because small arms were more easily operated by small children. They also lack the moral standings of what is right versus what is wrong. Children were easy to manipulate. Many leaders would give them alcohol and drugs, and convince them that they were invisible. “The medicine was for protection. If a bullet hit you, it would bounce right off” (Russell & Gozdziak, 2006, p. 2, para. 1). Manipulation was used to advance the genocide. Children did not fully understand what they were doing, and they didn’t ask questions about the tasks they performed. This helped the genocide to progress because children carried on heinous acts without much thought, even if it meant killing people they had known all their lives.

The Interahamwe were sent to chisel holes in walls of buildings hiding Tutsi. This was done so that the children and other soldiers could throw grenades into the building through these holes (Mamdani, 2001). Thousands of boys aged 15-18 were part of the Interhamwe. “Several 1995 court cases in Kigali, for example, involved boys under 18 years old who admitted to killing, many up to 90 civilians” (Briggs, 2005, p. 18). They were used to identify Tutsi and inform the Hutu as to where the Tutsi were located. This helped to advance the genocide by allowing Hutu to know where the Tutsis were, and allowing the Hutu to kill the Tutsis without warning. Children were used to loot houses and villages. If they did not participate in the killing or looting, then they were known as associates. They became part of Hutu armies, and were used for cooking and other tasks. Most of the boys in the Interhamwe were orphans (Briggs, 2005).

In Uganda, children in the NRA served as spies, information gatherers, and messengers (Mamdani, 2001). The LRA forced girls to provide sexual services to the leaders of the Lord’s Resistance Army, including Kony himself. Kony had 30 to 60 child brides to satisfy himself, and he killed those that had once escorted him (Briggs, 2005). Many of the girls were “married off” to rebel leaders (Honwana, 2006). Eugenie, now 26-years-old, was abducted by Hutu soldiers in April 1994. For a week, “countless boys and men took turns raping her.” Because of this, she is mentally frozen as a 16-year-old “who lost her virginity, her hope, and nearly the will to live a decade before” (Briggs, 2005, p. 15). At the age of 14, Vicky was abducted by the LRA. During an attack she was shot in the face and left. Vicky was found, and brought to a Gulu camp. She is missing her right eye, and suffers a swollen jaw from the gunshot. Tears constantly stream down her face due to duct damage. If the LRA finds her, they will kill her for betraying them (Nutt & Hoskins, 2004).

As many as 20,000 children were abducted by the LRA aged eleven to sixteen, and sometimes as young as eight. They used children to fight, spy, raid, loot, burn houses and schools, rape, mutilate, slaughter, and clear minefields. Children were forced into open fields where mines were believed to be buried. They would then walk around to detonate the mines (Endangered Children, 2006). Children were also made to cook, do construction, dig latrines, and guards for prisoners of war (Russell & Gozdziak, 2006). They were also forced to go into battle unarmed, causing a human shield for LRA soldiers. If they ran away from the battle, or ducked during gunfire, they were killed by the LRA (Briggs, 2005). Children were also easier to feed and take care of than adults were. This left more supplies for the leaders and helped to advance the genocide by allowing the leaders to carry on.

When fighting, children were forced to kill innocent civilians. According to Major Wyncliffe in Innocents Lost (Briggs, 2005), 862 civilians were murdered by the LRA and their child soldiers. If they refused to kill or tried to escape, they themselves were killed. If they protested, became ill, or could not keep up, they were killed by others with clubs and machetes. An eleven-year-old boy was forced to bite to death, and swallow the blood of a child who tried to escape from the LRA (Endangered Children, 2006; Human Rights Watch, 1997). Children killed innocent people with no remorse, which meant that there were more killings without consequences. Children did not associate wrong with killing people, as some adults did, allowing the genocide to press on.

According to Charles, a 15-year-old soldier for the LRA, “[i]n the bush, we came across three young boys who had escaped from the rebels earlier… they forced them down and started clubbing their heads, and other rebels came with bayonets and stabbed them” (Human Rights Watch, 1997, p. 14). Christine, a 17-year-old soldier described a similar incident and her feelings afterward. “They chopped him with a bayonet until he was dead. Seeing this, at times, I felt like I was a dead person – not feeling anything” (Human Rights Watch, 1997, p. 19).

In 2003, the United States joined in by going into Uganda and creating militias to fight against the LRA. These militias contained people from Northern and Eastern Uganda, known criminals, and children under the age of 18 years (Endangered Children, 2006).

However, not all children were forced into fighting. Those that escaped have been forced into night commuting. Close to 50,000 children walk miles from rural communities to towns and cities, like Gulu in order to escape the LRA. Many of them sleep on the streets in groups in order to be safe for the night (Endangered Children, 2006). The children sleep wherever they can find – churches, parks, store verandas, a hospital floors, leaving them vulnerable to disease and abuse (Nutt & Hoskins, 2004). They then walk back home when the sun rises (Endangered Children, 2006; Dunn, 2004). At Kony’s headquarters in Sudan, children there were trained to fight. Those who lacked the proper fighting skills were sold to Sudanese as slaves in exchange for guns and food (Human Rights Watch, 1997).

According to Rosa Ehreneich, quoted in Killing for Christ? (Dunn, 2004, “not insane”, para. 2), “none of the children we met seemed to have any real understanding of the rebels’ aims and motivations. They frequently told us that the rebels wanted to overthrow the government, and that Kony claimed to be doing the bidding of the Holy Spirit.”

According to Hon. Christopher H. Smith, Chairman of the Sub-Committee on Africa at the Endangered Children of Northern Uganda Hearing (2006), over the last 20 years, two million persons have been displaced. At least one million people are displaced in Uganda – the majority of those being children under the age of 15. Uganda has the third largest internally displaced people population in the world. In the more than 200 IDP camps, there are more than 1.5 million people staying in them, the majority of them children, approximately 80 to 90% of the population (Prunier, 1995; Nutt & Hoskins, 2004). In 1991 in Rwanda, it was estimated that 510,000 to 775,000 Tutsi refugees were still internally displaced or seeking refuge in other countries (Prunier, 1995). In 2002, the Ugandan government mandated that all vulnerable citizens be placed into camps. Benjamin Oballim, chairman of the Awer camp in Gulu, describes living in camps: “We just remain here until we die… We can see no future for our children… If the whole world cannot see our suffering… then they should dig a pit, put all the Acholi people in it, pour gasoline on us and set us alight because we cannot go on like this” (Nutt & Hoskins, 2004, p. 3, para. 2-3). Children are forced to play around garbage and waste, families are crammed into mud huts, and there are drunken men everywhere (Nutt & Hoskins, 2004).

Because of hostilities still in place, people are always on alert for fighting. “A Hutu declared, ‘The war is not over. If we can get weapons, we will fight again. We will re-attack and we will win this time’” (Nyankanzi, 1998, p. 12).

Approximately 3,000 to 5,000 children escaped from captivity during 1995-1997. Some children would surrender to UPDF or SPLA soldiers during fighting. Those soldiers would then send the children to Uganda People’s Defense Force bases, where children would be passed through the ranks and into safe houses. NGOs provided live-in trauma counseling center for escaped abductees. Hundreds of schools were burned and health care clinics raided, so little resources are available to anyone, including escapees (Human Rights Watch, 1997). According to World Vision’s Robby Muhumuza, children come to counseling centers, “sick, malnourished, with low appetite. They have guilt feelings, are depressed and with low self esteem…” (Human Rights Watch, 1997, p. 43). The children soldiers are also being treated for trauma-related symptoms, like nightmares, bed-wetting, insomnia, eating disorders, and behavioral issues. Some are hostile towards others, and are often fighting with one another because those from the government militias and from the LRA are often placed together. Almost every child suffers from some sort of drug and/or alcohol addiction (Russell & Gozdziak, 2006).

Children soldiers coming out alive have been placed in rehabilitation centers. Gitagata Reeducation Center housed 3227 youths between 10 and 19. “The youngest person ever sent to Gitagata was an 8-year-old boy who’d thrown a grenade into a crowd of children” (Briggs, 2005, p. 29). Their communities, however, are very hard on them when they return. They are looked down upon, and even rejected, even though some of these children have no family, no education, and feel guilty already (Hidden Health Trauma, 2004). If those children who are detested by their community are unable to find employment, many may resort to picking up arms again (Russell & Gozdziak, 2006).

Overall, children definitely suffered in all aspects. Many experience some sort of post-traumatic stress disorder, and physical and psychological damage (Smith, 1998). Every day, 58 children die due to violence and disease. The majority of them are under five years of age (Endangered Children, 2006). Approximately 95,000 children in Rwanda were orphaned after 800,000 Tutsi were killed. It is estimated that almost 10% of Rwandan households are run by children who were orphaned (Mirza, 2006). A quarter of children in Northern Uganda have lost at least one parent (Endangered Children, 2006). In 2005, it was estimated that approximately 7,000 youth in Rwanda were homeless. A third of children in Rwanda are socioeconomic, meaning that they had families and/or homes, and they don’t attend school (Briggs, 2005).

In Rwanda, 800 children are inmates in Kigali’s prison. They range in age from seven to seventeen, and the majority of them are charged with genocide (Mamdani, 2001). Altogether 5,000 children were imprisoned for taking part in the genocide. “Noted Jean de Dieu Muryo, who was the Minister of Justice… but had become Prosecutor Generale… ‘The genocide was very well planned, and it was definitely in the plan for children to participate in it’” (Briggs, 2005, p. 20).

More that 20,000 children were forced to serve as soldiers or sex slaves (Endangered Children, 2006). Approximately 5,000 females, most of them being girls at the time, were impregnated through rape from members of both the RPF and the Interahamwe (Honwana, 2006). Most of those children were abandoned or given away. Over a quarter million women and girls were raped or sexually assaulted, with things ranging from male organs and sticks to machetes, pipes, and other inanimate objects. Many women were widowed in the genocides, and because they have no rights, “widows are without families, without houses, without money… We become crazy. We aggravate people with our problems. We are the living dead” (Smith, 1998, p. 14, para. 2).

Since the genocide, half a million to a million Rwandans tested positive for HIV/AIDS (Briggs, 2005). World Vision in Gulu states that 70 to 80% of children tested positive for STDs (Human Rights Watch, 1997). By 2001, 264,000 children were orphaned because their parents had passed away due to HIV/AIDS (Mirza, 2006).

Children were used to advance genocides in several ways. They were easily manipulated and never asked questions about what they were doing, allowing the leaders to use children for the most heinous of tasks. Children were used as informants, pointing out were civilians were hiding and helping to kill them. They went nearly undetected in the brush, and that increased the surprise attacks, allowing for more deaths with less retaliation. Children also needed fewer supplies and were able to sneak into places virtually undetected, allowing leaders to advance farther in their efforts to eliminate peoples. Representative Payne stated that “[n]o child should be forced to kill anyone, not another child, another family member, or anyone” (Endangered Children, 2006, p. 7)

However, not much effort has been put in to saving those children who are exploited during genocides and wars. Many children do not quite understand exactly the extent of the atrocities that they have committed. In Johnny Mad Dog, a story about a child soldier, Johnny declares, “I am not a murderer… I fight wars! In war, you kill, you burn buildings, you rape women. That’s normal. That’s what war is all about – killing is natural. But that doesn’t mean I am a common murderer!” (as cited in Dryden-Peterson, 2006, para. 4). The Lost Boys only recently have been helped due to the migration of many of them into the United States. Some children will live and die in refugee camps, with no hope of being saved. Representative Payne said it best at the Endangered Children of Northern Uganda Hearing (2006, pp. 5-6):

We said it was important to remember that what happened in Rwanda would never happen again. We never would make the same mistake. But we have heard never again before. We heard it after the Holocaust. We should have heard it after the Armenian genocide. We should have heard it about Cambodia. We should have heard it about Darfur.

References

Briggs, Jimmie (2004, May). Babes With Arms. Essence, 35(1), 152. Retrieved

Briggs, Jimmie (2005). Innocents Lost: When Child Soldiers Go to War. New York: Basic Books.

Cohn, Ilene, & Goodwin-Gill, Guy S (1994). Child Soldiers: The Role of Children in Armed Conflict. New York: Oxford University Press.

Dryden-Peterson, Sarah (2006). Johnny Mad Dog. Harvard Educational Review, 76(2), 281-284. Retrieved September 20, 2007, from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1092371381&sid=2&Fmt=3&clientid=13255...

Dunn, Kevin C. (2004, May). Killing for Christ? The Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda. Current History, 103(673), 206-210. Retrieved September 26, 2007, from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=639534771&sid=3&Fmt=4&clientid=13255&...

Gellately, Robert, & Kiernan, Ben (2003). The Specter of Genocide and Mass Murder in Historical Perspective. New York: Cambridge University Press.

The Hidden Health Trauma of Child Soldiers. (2004, March 13). The Lancet, 363(9412), 831. Retrieved September 26, 2007, from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=580845831&sid=3&Fmt=3&clientid=13255&...

Homwana, Alcinda (2006). Child Soldiers in Africa. Philadelphia, PA: University of PA Press.

House of Representatives. (2006, April 26). The Endangered Children of Northern Uganda Hearing. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Human Rights Watch. (1997). The Scars of Death: Children Abducted by the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda. New York: Author.

Mamdani, Mahmood (2001). When Victims Become Killers. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Mirza, Sadaf (2006). Childhood Bypassed: Rwanda’s Youth-Headed Households. SAIS Review, 26(2), 179-180. Retrieved September 26, 2007, from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1143268631&Fmt=3&clientid=13255&RQT=3...

Nutt, Samantha, & Hoskins, Eric (2004, January 12). The Unknown War. Maclean’s, 117(2), 16-18.

Nyankanzi, Edward L. (1998). Genocide: Rwanda and Burundi. Rochester, VT: Schenkman Books.

Prunier, Gerard (1995). The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide. New York: Columbia University Press.

Russell, Lorea, & Gozdziak, Elzbieta M. (2006). Coming Home Whole: Reintegrating Uganda’s Child Soldiers. Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, 7(2), 57-65. Retrieved September 26, 2007, from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1095074611&sid=2&Fmt=3&clientid=13255...

Smith, David Norman (1998, July). The Psychocultural Roots of Genocide: Legitimacy and Crisis in Rwanda. American Psychologist, 53(7), 743-753. Retrieved September 20, 2007, from http://content.apa.prg/journals/amp/53/7/743.hmtl

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